Comparative Study between Mathematics Curriculum in Jordan, Egypt, and Palestine for the Elementary Ninth Grade PDF |
| Mahmoud Mohammed Al Iady |
| Supervisor(s) |
| Dr. SallahYaseen - |
| Discussion Commity |
| 181 صفحة |
| Abstract : |
Abstract This study aims at conducting a comparison between mathematics textbooks in elementary ninth grade that’s applied in Palestine and that is of Jordan and Egypt through discussing the following: 1- The variance of mathematical topics represented by each curriculum according to country. 2- The educational objectives that is being measured for the ninth elementary grade in (Palestine, Jordan, and Egypt). 3- The variance in the level of the education objectives that is measured for the elementary ninth grade according to Bloom scale. In order to achieve the study objectives, content analysis is used to compare and contrast the three mathematic curriculums applied in Jordan, Egypt and Palestine; the following results were found: - Two matching units out five were found; that is 40% (5:2) between Jordanian and Palestinian mathematics textbooks, the same result is found in Jordanian and Egyptian mathematical textbooks. While there is one matching units between Egyptian and Palestinian mathematical curriculums out of five units, in a percentage of (20%). - there is a significant variance in educational objectives rates in mathematical topics presented in the Jordanian , Egyptian, and Palestinian mathematics curriculums, the study found that comprehension level is higher in the Jordanian curriculums, on the other hand, analysis level is the highest in the Egyptian textbook than that of the Jordanian and Palestinian textbooks. - there is a significant agreement in the educational objectives rates for in mathematical topics presented in ninth grade textbooks in the level of structure and it was higher in both Jordanian and Palestinians textbooks while it was absent in the Egyptian curriculums. - there was an obvious shortage of educational objectives levels in mathematical topics presented in the ninth grade text books of Jordan, Egypt, and Palestine in the levels of (analysis, structure, and evaluation( while it is higher in the Palestinian textbook. On the light of these study findings, the researcher made the following recommendations: The necessity of preparing a teacher guide for the new Palestinian mathematics textbook that present teaching methods and educational activities, moreover; the guide should include the solution for the textbook exercises. In addition, there should be a merge between theory and application in the mathematical curriculum through presenting daily life example and a connection between other fields like science, social sciences, languages, and Islamic study.etc. - Conducting training courses and workshops for mathematics teachers that discuss the pros and cons of the new mathematics curriculums and the degree of achievements of the educational objectives. Finally, the researcher recommends the necessity of encouraging teacher to apply computerized lessons in the new Palestinian textbooks. |
Wednesday, February 3, 2010
Comparative Study between Mathematics Curriculum in Jordan, Egypt, and Palestine for the Elementary Ninth Grade
The relationship between patterns of leadership behavior and patterns of communication among academic administrators from the standpoint of the facult
The relationship between patterns of leadership behavior and patterns of communication among academic administrators from the standpoint of the faculty members in the Palestinian universities PDF |
| Raef Shehadeh Naief Shehadeh |
| Supervisor(s) |
| D. Ghassan Alhelw - الأستاذ الدكتور عبد الناصر القدومي |
| Discussion Commity |
| 141 صفحة |
| Abstract : |
Abstract This study aimed at finding the relationship between patterns of leadership behavior and patterns of communication among academic administrators from the standpoint of the faculty members in the Palestinian universities, through answering the following questions: 1) What are the patterns of leadership behavior prevailing among academic administrators from the standpoint of the faculty members in the Palestinian universities? 2) What are the prevailing patterns of communication among academic administrators from the view of the faculty members in the Palestinian universities? 3) What is the relationship between patterns of leadership behavior and patterns of communication among academic administrators from the view of the faculty members in the Palestinian universities? 4) Are there any significant statistical mean differences at (a = 0.05) in each of patterns of leadership behavior and patterns of communication among academic administrators from the view of the faculty members in the Palestinian universities attributed to variables of (sex, scientific qualification, practical experience, and university). A sample of (400) faculty members in the Palestinian universities members representing 26.4% of the study population was selected from An-Najah National University , Beir Zeit University , BethLehem University , Hebron University, and the Arab American university. The researcher used two questionnaires for this purpose ; one of them was used to measure patterns of leadership behavior , the questionnaire was developed by the researcher Alasili (1999), and used by the researcher Abdel Rahman (2001), it has been modified and developed to suit the current study , it is composed of (39) statements distributed on three patterns : ( dictatorship pattern , democratic pattern, allowance pattern). The second questionnaire was used to measure to measure patterns of communication, it was developed and used by the researcher Ahmed (1997) and it has been developed and modified to suit the current study, it is composed of (55) statements distributed on four fields: (pattern of written communication, pattern of oral communication, pattern of communication upon its trends (methods), and pattern of communication through symbols, movements and expressions) The two questionnaire were checked and proved to have a good degree of validity and reliability. The results showed that the pattern of democratic leadership is prevailing among the academic administrators in the Palestinian universities, followed by the dictatorial pattern , then the lasiar far pattern .And regarding the patterns of communication ,the results indicated that the pattern of communication through symbols, movements and expressions is the prevailing pattern among the academic administrators in Palestinian universities followed the pattern of verbal communication then the pattern of written communication , and finally the pattern of communication upon its trends (methods ). The results showed that there were no significant statistical mean differences at (a = 0.05) in each of patterns of leadership behavior and patterns of communication among academic administrators from the view of the faculty members in the Palestinian universities attributed to variables of (sex, scientific qualification, practical experience). And there were significant statistical differences at (a = 0.05) in each of patterns of leadership behavior and patterns of communication among academic administrators from the view of the faculty members in the Palestinian universities attributed to variable of university. The results also showed that there were a correlation between the patterns of leadership behavior and patterns of communication among academic administrators in the Palestinian universities, and the democratic pattern was the highest in correlation between patterns of leadership. |
The Status of Crisis Management and Proposed Alternatives as Perceived by the Palestinian Leaders of Civic and Security Institutions
The Status of Crisis Management and Proposed Alternatives as Perceived by the Palestinian Leaders of Civic and Security Institutions PDF |
| Tawfeeq Mohammed Hussein Al – Terawi |
| Supervisor(s) |
| Prof. Dr. Abel Naser Qadumi - د.غسان الحلو |
| Discussion Commity |
| 152 صفحة |
| Abstract : |
Abstract The purpose of this study was to investigate the status of crisis management and proposed alternatives as perceived by the Palestinian leaders of civic and security institutions , moreover, the study aims at recognizing the effects of study variables : (work field, academic qualifications, experience, and district). to achieve study purposes, a sample of (473) subjects from civic and security institutions were selected. A questionnaire which consisted of (118) items was distributed on the sample, the questionnaire is divided into four domains (political crisis, security crisis, economic crisis, and managerial crisis). Reliability coefficient was (0.97) which is considered suitable for the study purposes, the study aimed at answering the following questions: 1- what are the status of crisis management and proposed alternatives as perceived by the Palestinian leaders of civic and security institutions? 2- Are there any statistically significant differences at (α=0.05) in the status of crisis management as perceived by the Palestinian leaders of civic and security institutions due to the work field variable? 3- Are there any statistically significant differences at (α=0.05) in the status of crisis management as perceived by the Palestinian leaders of civic and security institutions due to the academic qualifications variable? 4- Are there any statistically significant differences at (α=0.05) in the status of crisis management as perceived by the Palestinian leaders of civic and security institutions due to the experience variable? 5- Are there any statistically significant differences at (α=0.05) in the status of crisis management as perceived by the Palestinian leaders of civic and security institutions due to the district variable? Study data was collected and analyzed by SPSS, using means, frequencies, independent t-test, One Way ANOVA, and Scheffes post – hoc test, the study reached the following results: The total degree of the status of crisis management as perceived by the Palestinian leaders of civic and security institutions was very high , where the percentage of response was (87%), and the rank order of crisis domains where as follow: domain of political crisis (89.4%), domain of economic crisis (86.6%), domain of security crisis(86%) and in the last rank domain of managerial crisis (85%). The study concluded a list of 20 alternatives for solving such crisis. Furthermore , the results revealed a significant differences at (α=0.05) in the status of crisis management as perceived by the Palestinian leaders of civic and security institutions according to (work field, experience, and district) variables. while there was no significant difference due to academic qualification variable. Based on the study findings, the researcher recommended the following recommendations: 1- Necessity of taking consideration the findings of this study by decision makers in the PNA. Furthermore, emphasizing on the necessity of building Palestinian institutions according to clear and correct standards. The study findings managed to list 20 alternatives for such crisis which were arranged according to its importance. 2- Conducting special training courses and workshops in the field of crisis management for all decision makers in both civic and security institutions in Palestine. 3- Conducting other similar studies in the field of crisis management in all Palestinian national authority sectors. |
Organization Climate in the Public Secondary Schools in North Palestine From the Points of View of the Teachers
Organization Climate in the Public Secondary Schools in North Palestine From the Points of View of the Teachers PDF |
| Fatima Abdel Qader Ahmed Al Qadoumi |
| Supervisor(s) |
| Dr. Ghassan Al-hilew - |
| Discussion Commity |
| 149 صفحة |
| Abstract : |
Abstract This study aimed at recognizes the organization climate in the public secondary schools in north Palestine from the points of view of the teachers who are working there through responding of the following questions: What is the degree of the organizational climate in the public secondary school in the districts of north Palestine from the points of view of the teachers working there? There are no differences at significant scare (α = 0.05) between the evaluations of the workers for the organizational climate in the public secondary schools in the districts of north Palestine referring to the social type, academic qualification, place of living, experience in teaching, age. To achieve the aims of this study, the researcher-after examining different studies such as the study of The Rifa’e, Qatawneh, Al-Masri, Jarrar, Suleiman, Arrbeiat, Athiabat, Althonabiat, Okashah, Qutainah and others- developed questionnaire which included (63) items distributed at 7 fields: communication organization and administration, students, public society, pupils parents, co-operation, the conditions of work and administrative regulations. These fields are put to evaluate the organizational climate. After that, its items were replaced according to their suggestions and recommendations. Then, constancy was estimated through the use of Cronbach equation alpha which reached 0.95 To examine the situation of the organizational climate in the 7 northern Palestinian districts (Nablus, Tulkarem, Qaiqalia, Salfeet, Jenin, Qabatiah, Tubas). The average, guage devation for the organizational climate was estimated and to recognize the situation of the organizational climate in these schools, the percentages were calculated. The results of this study referred to; 1- The positive climate dominated, (70.8) from the sample of the study )se it) whereas (29.2%) chose the negative organizational climate. 2- There were no clear statistic differences at Likert scale (α = 0.05) in the situation of organizational climate in Palestinian northern districts secondary schools from the teachers’ point of view in the fields of 9cornmuincation, domestic society, pupil’s parents and co-operation referring to the social type, whereas the differences were clear in the fields of organization and administration regulations). The organizational climate was also better at female schools than male ones. 3- There are no clear differences at Likert scale (α = 0.05) in the situation of the organizational climate in the public secondary schools in northern Palestine districts from the teachers point of view referring to the academic qualification.
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Conceptual and Practical Indicators of Good Governance at Local Palestinian Authorities
Conceptual and Practical Indicators of Good Governance at Local Palestinian Authorities PDF |
| Ayman Taha hasan Ahmad |
| Supervisor(s) |
| Dr. Hussein Al-Araj - |
| Discussion Commity |
| 202 صفحة |
| Abstract : |
Abstract This study aimed at identifying the reality of conceptual and practical indicators of good governance at the local Palestinian authorities and the extent of the application of its principles from the viewpoint of the members and chairpersons of the local Palestinian authorities and their employees. The study also aimed at determining the role of each variable including: number of the board of authority, its classification, sources of financing local Palestinian authorities, method of forming their councils, academic qualifications of their members, knowing the regulations and laws of local authorities by their crews. This study included a case study of Qalqilia Governorate and its villages. The study population consisted of the chairpersons, members, and employees of the local Palestinian authorities at the Qalqilia Governorate. The study sample consisted of 260 questionnaires distributed on the chairpersons, members, managers and one of the employees of the local Palestinian authorities. The sample was taken at a percentage of 100 % of the study population. To achieve the objective of the study, the researcher designed and used a questionnaire based on some of the literature related to the study subject. The questionnaire consisted of seven parts each of which measured one indicator of the good governance indicators. Each part included five items, making a total of 35 items in the questionnaire. The researcher verified the validity of the questionnaire by qualified experienced arbitrators from An-Najah National University. Validity coefficient was calculated by the researcher using the alpha Chronbach coefficient for internal coherence. To answer the study question, to measure the ranges and indicators, and to test the hypotheses, the researcher used a number of statistical procedures. Findings The study reached the following findings: · The total degree of responding to the fields of good governance indicators was medium. The order of responding to the fields of good governance indicators is in descending order as follows: 1) There is a real presence of the integrity indicator at the local Palestinian authorities, as the percentage of response reached 67.8 % i.e. a medium evaluation. 2) There is a real presence of the efficiency and effectiveness indicator at the local Palestinian authorities, as the percentage of response reached 67.6 % i.e. a medium evaluation. 3) There is a real presence of the questioning and law enforcement indicator at the local Palestinian authorities, as the percentage of response reached 67.4 % i.e. a medium evaluation. 4) There is a real presence of the transparency indicator at the local Palestinian authorities, as the percentage of response reached 67.2% i.e. a medium evaluation. 5) There is a real presence of the decentralization and independency indicator at the local Palestinian authorities, as the percentage of response reached 66 % i.e. a medium evaluation. 6) There is a real presence of the satisfying the needs of the community indicator at the local Palestinian authorities, as the percentage of response reached 63 % i.e. a medium evaluation. 7) There is a real presence of the community participation indicator at the local Palestinian authorities, as the percentage of response reached 62.8 % i.e. a medium evaluation. · The study findings showed that the variable of the academic qualification of the members of the local Palestinian authorities and their numbers do not affect good governance at the authorities. · There is a significant positive relationship between the knowledge of the members of the local Palestinian authorities of the laws and regulations applied at their authorities and the reality of good governance at their authorities. The more the members of the local Palestinian authorities are knowledgeable of the laws and regulations, the more they are committed to the principles of good governance and moving towards it. · There is a significant relationship between the classification of the local Palestinian authorities and the reality of good governance. If the local authority is classified as a municipality, this classification will be a reason for raising the reality of good governance indicators and its commitment. · There is a significant relationship between the method of forming the local Palestinian authorities and the reality of good governance in it. This means that if the method of forming the authority is based on elections, it will supply a suitable basis for applying the characteristics of good governance. Recommendations The study put forward the following recommendations: · The local Palestinian authorities law should be reconsidered so that they will be granted more decentralized authorities and to abstain from interfering in their affairs to ensure their independency. · It is necessary to complete the laws and regulations related to the work of the local Palestinian authorities and involving them in their formulation such as personnel system. · Efforts should be made to raise the levels of the efficiency and effectiveness of the local Palestinian authorities and their members, to put forward criteria for their nomination, and to be committed to the systems and drafts that call for applying the principles of good governance. To carry out further similar studies to recognize the variables that affect and ensure the application of good governance. |
ENERGY EFFICIENCY IMPROVEMENT AND COST SAVING MEASURES IN SOME DIFFERENT INDUSTRIES IN PALESTINE
ENERGY EFFICIENCY IMPROVEMENT AND COST SAVING MEASURES IN SOME DIFFERENT INDUSTRIES IN PALESTINE PDF |
| Eng. Basel Tahseen Qasem Yaseen |
| Supervisor(s) |
| Dr. Imad H. Ibrik - د. وليد الكخن |
| Discussion Commity |
| 1. Dr. Imad H. Ibrik (First Supervisor) 2. Dr. Waleed Al Kokhon (Second Supervisor) 3. Dr.Abd Alkareem Daoud (External Examiner) 4. Prof. Marwan Mahmoud (Internal Examiner) |
| 178 صفحة |
| Abstract : |
In the thirty-three years since the first oil crises in 1973, there have been a number of studies of industrial energy use and the potential for energy conservation in industry of developed countries which have resulted in significant improvement in the efficient use of energy. The developing countries are still in the process of gaining momentum in this field and are learning from the experiences of the industrialized nations. The energy situation in Palestine, the efficient use of energy and energy conservation in industry is not in a better condition than most developing countries. In this thesis we tried to establish a start or a beginning step toward the efficient use of energy and energy conservation in industry through conducting energy analysis of industrial consumption in Palestine and through conducting energy audits in some industries in Palestine (Al Safa Dairy Factory, Al Carton Factory, Al Arz Ice –Cream Factory and Al Aqqad Textile Factory) which they considered high energy consumers and allocate the potential for energy savings opportunities. This research aims to investigate the potential of energy conservation opportunities in some Palestinian industrial facilities. The main objective of the investigation is to identify the most energy intensive areas of the industries and suggest measures which can be implemented to conserve energy or reduce energy consumption. It was showed that there is a decent potential for energy savings in the audited industrial facilities. The savings in electric energy was around 277,800 kWh per year and the fuel savings around 66,000 liters per year. On the national level (10 to 20%) savings from the total energy consumption in the industrial sector could be achieved by implementing some energy conservation measures (no and low cost investment) on the most energy consumption equipment in the facility such as boilers, compressors, lighting system and low power factor. Besides decreasing the demand on energy that enhancing the national economy, there is a huge reduction in the environmental emissions such as CO2 (175 tons reduction). |
The Role of the United States of America in the Democratic transformation process in Palestine (George Bush's Term of Office 2001-2006)
The Role of the United States of America in the Democratic transformation process in Palestine (George Bush's Term of Office 2001-2006) PDF |
| Qusai A. Hamed |
| Supervisor(s) |
| Dr. Ra'ed Nu'airat - |
| Discussion Commity |
| 243 صفحة |
| Abstract : |
Abstract This study investigated a subject that has been increasingly talked about since 2001 in terms of its dimensions, justifications and timing. This subject marks a new stage or a turning point in the history of the Palestinian Authority (PA). The researcher tackled the role of the USA in effecting a democratic change in Palestine against the backdrop of the American foreign policy's interest in reformation in the wake of the 11 September 2001 events. Since then, the American political discourse has mainly focused on fighting «terrorism» and proliferation of democracy in the Middle East. The issue of PA's reformation gained momentum and was raised at a time when the American policy was moving towards new changes in its attitude towards the Middle East. It has begun to set up new strategies to protect its interests and tighten its control and influence in the whole region. At the same time, the Israeli-Palestinian issue has experienced a state of rupture in the wake of the failure of settlement efforts and restoration of calm between the two sides. Against this backdrop, the American-Palestinians relations have gradually been affected. These relations have witnessed a state of deterioration, thus forcing the American administration to draw up a new policy towards the PA. This is partly attributed to the Palestinian leadership political behavior which sent messages about the difficulty of raising the ceiling of the Palestinian demands to match Israel's reservations concerning its security. All these combined have necessitated a reevaluation of the role the Palestinian leadership has played in the whole peace process and how it has contributed to the impediment of a settlement agreement. Against this background, the researcher's first hypothesis is that the US's need to reach a Palestinian-Israeli agreement, which serves its strategic interests and goals in the Middle East and its aspiration to protect Israeli security, has become a motivation as well as an argument to ask the PA to introduce political reformations and transformation toward democratization of governance. The researcher's second hypothesis is that serving these interests and the nature of the Israeli-American relations and the issue of settlement are the major determinants for the US's acceptance of democratic change in the PA. To test these two hypotheses, the researcher used the historical method to trace the development of the Israeli-American relations and how the Palestinian cause has begun to crystallize in the American politician's mind set and how this cause is receiving a burgeoning importance from the American foreign policy makers. In addition, the researcher used the analytical method to investigate the role of the American foreign policy in effecting a democratic change in Palestine. To this end, the researcher analyzed the goals and strategies which the American foreign policy has set up and employed in dealing with the Palestinian political system between 2001-2006 (the time determinants of the study). The researcher also dwelt on the American political trends towards the Palestinian political system after the presidential and legislative elections. In this respect, the researcher analyzed the most salient of these trends and the degree of agreement with the hypotheses. This study was divided into four chapters. Chapter one was devoted to the structure of the study, its objectives, problem and methodology. In addition, the researcher provided a survey of previous literature on the various aspects of the study. Chapter two provided a historical framework for the study and was divided into two sections. Section one traced the development of the USA's relationship with the Palestinian cause and how its interest in fostering its relations with Israel started and increased after taking a decision to play influential roles in the international policy after the Second World War. The researcher has concluded that the American policy has always been employed to the investment of Israel's military, economic and scientific superiority as a strategic source in the region. Its positions towards the Palestinian cause have been in full harmony with the requirements for Israel's superiority. This has led her to work to break up some Arab countries' alliance with the ex-Soviet Union and include them in the American alliances. Therefore, the American move to settle the conflict has been motivated by its desire to achieve a settlement which allows Israel to enjoy stability on the security level and neutralize the Arab countries' threats to it, and to give the latter an opportunity to integrate in the Middle East through economic cooperation and pave the way for more integration in the region. In the second section of chapter two, the researcher explained the political and ideological changes which affected the Palestinian political trends particularly concerning the attitude towards the Palestinian state and the strategies for its realization. The researcher has found a sharp decline in the Palestinian attitude towards the nature of this would- be- state in comparison with the foundations of the PLO's and Hamas's covenants. This perception puts aside all ideas on which these covenants have been built. These covenants once included the talk about a state from the River Jordan to the Mediterranean Sea (the Palestinian homeland). There has also been a change in the strategies to achieve this state. It has become crystal clear in the current discourse from the talk about the idea of armed struggle as the method to full liberation to a talk about the possibility of a political settlement (according to the PLO) and its acceptance as an option (by Hamas) at a time when the latter was categorically against it. This is in addition to Hamas's readiness for a long-term hudna (truce) with Israel. The researcher attributed this retraction in Palestinian political attitudes to the absence of a unified Palestinian working strategy to meet the challenges and international developments. This is in addition to the Palestinians' overweighing of internal factors in facing objective circumstances. The desire of the Palestinian factions to keep themselves in the circle of influence in the Arab-Israeli conflict and to monopolize the Palestinian decision, have pushed them to adapt their policies in return for achieving an international recognition for their legitimacy. In chapter three, the researcher tackled the changes which took place, at the international arena, after the events of Sept 11, 2001 and their repercussions on the American foreign policy towards the Middle East. The researcher, in this context, shed light on the extent of the effect of these changes on the US's concept of national security and the expansion of its perceptions towards its protection. The researcher also highlighted how this change has contributed to the kicking off of a comprehensive policy and has effected political, economic, cultural and social reformations in the Middle Eastern societies, thus allowing it to play a leading role in the international foreign policy and an intervention in internal policies and affairs of countries, as well as monitoring these countries' policies in fighting «terror» and fostering principles of freedom and democracy. The researcher also investigated the American role in the reformation of the PA. He highlighted the political, economic and cultural strategies the American foreign policy makers employed to achieve the coveted reformations in the context of its perception of the outputs of the reformation process and what this reformation will achieve in the region. The researcher shed light on visions and perceptions which the US is expecting as outputs of the process of democratic change and how these meet its general policy towards the Middle East and the visions it has drawn up to reform it. The researcher concluded that the US has resorted to the reformation of the PA and to the change of the Palestinian political leadership due to its weakness to present serious initiatives to solve the conflict and put pressure on Israel to show more flexibility, in sensitive issues, in the settlement process. The US resort to reformation came as an attempt to change the Palestinian foundations on hard core issues in the negotiations and change their perceptions which are based on international legal resolutions. The US has wanted to introduce new perceptions which take into consideration the de facto on the ground particularly concerning the issues of refugees, Jerusalem and settlements. It was also an attempt from the US to effect changes in the Palestinian cultural environment which accordingly leads to a change in the political environment on the basis of promoting new perceptions and alternatives to solve the Palestinian cause and focus on dealing with the requirements of the solution and its potential in a realistic way taking into consideration the changes on the ground and the unrealistic implementation of the UN resolutions, return of the refugees, the Palestinian control of Jerusalem and the dismantle of settlements. In chapter four, the researcher analyzed the American political towards of the PA after the latter's realization of some of the reformation demands. The holding of pluralistic elections was a case in point. The researcher provided an analysis of the American administration policy and its orientations in the wake of the developments which the Palestinian political life has witnessed and the link between the goals, positions and means adopted concerning the Palestinian political system. One of the results of this analysis is that the US has focused on pushing forward the resumption of the peace process and the strengthening of the moderate party in the PA, thus allowing the speeding up of the signing of an agreement which includes establishment of a temporary Palestinian state and putting on the shelf the final status issues. The US also has wanted to invest the Israeli vision based on a unilateral solution and put it in the context of Road Map achievements. This clearly proves that USA has never had a clear cut policy toward the settlement of the Palestinian question. Rather, it has always counted on investment of the Israeli steps and setting them up in the context of a two-state solution vision. To tune up these steps with the speeding up of steps to arrive at an Israeli-Palestinian agreement, it was necessary for the US to abort any attempt that might strengthen Palestinian negotiating position, which would possibly enable Palestinian to stay firm on more sensitive issues which would in turn delay any conclusion of agreement on this track. Therefore, it has always worked to keep a state of rupture within the Palestinian camp particularly between Fateh and Hamas movements. This was crystal clear after the Mecca accord which secured a Palestinian consensus concerning the international demands. It made strenuous efforts to keep them under its pressure. The researcher believes that the American administration has benefited from Palestinians' keeping the negotiations on the shoulders of the PLO, thus preventing them from rendering any reforms in the structure and hierarchy of the PLO on Palestinian national foundations within Palestinian determinants for the framework and priorities of negotiations before participating in the negotiation process. In the final analysis, the Palestinian party has remained weak, the negotiations have continued but without allowing the Palestinian parties to play a role that may strengthen the Palestinian negotiating position.
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